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Affiche du document Charles II: The Last Rally

Charles II: The Last Rally

Hilaire Belloc

1h29min15

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119 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h29min.
''In that book my theme was the eternal conflict between One Man Government and the Rich. Napoleon said: the only institution ever devised by men for mastering the Money Power in the State is Monarchy. It is obviously true and is the most practically important of all political truths. The Government of the United States with its large development of presidential powers in modern times and the present struggle between those powers and plutocracy is a very good example in point. A still more forcible example is to be seen actively at work before our new governments calling themselves totalitarian are essentially extreme. Monarchies at issue with the plutocracies rule in the older world around to a large extent in France and obviously in Great Britain. As I dealt in my former book with the leading case of Louis XIV of France as a monarch standing up to the Money Power (and, upon the whole, successfully), so in this book I deal with the parallel and complementary case of his contemporary and first cousin, Charles II, Stuart King of England. He also found himself faced by that unescapable conflict between the Money Power and Monarchy; but, unlike his Charles II cousin Louis, Charles failed. The Money Power was too much for him. So long as he lived he managed to fend it off though not to tame it; but immediately after his death, in the less competent hands of his brother James ( the last real and active King of England, as also the last by hereditary right), Monarchy went down. The Monarch was driven out and the powers of government in England were taken over by a governing class of wealthy men, which class has remained in the saddle ever since.''--from opening pages of CHARLES II: THE LAST RALLY By Hilaire Belloc In  The Last Rally, Belloc narrates with clarity and vigor a central episode in the decline of the English Monarchy. Restored to the throne following the interlude of Cromwell's "Commonwealth," Charles II devoted his life as King of England to maintaining the integrity of the throne against all the forces arrayed against it: the power of the great landowners who worked through the Parliament; the influence of the Lawyers' Guild; and the irresistible mercantile and financial strength of the city of London. The story that Belloc brings to life is thus one of survival: the story of a state brought like a ship "through peril and storm under a great captain." It is also the story of manhood and determination in the face of overwhelming odds; as such it is a story that Hilaire Belloc was eminently qualified to write.
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Affiche du document Campaign Boot Camp 2.0

Campaign Boot Camp 2.0

Christine Pelosi

1h51min45

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149 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h52min.
NEW EDITION, REVISED AND UPDATED Christine Pelosi presents leadership lessons from the campaign trail from a diverse array of over forty public figures, lending advice for anyone who wants to run for office, advocate for a cause, or win a public policy issue. This book draws from her leadership “boot camps” conducted in over thirty American states and in three foreign countries, working with thousands of volunteers and dozens of successful candidates for office from city council to US congress. Campaign Boot Camp 2.0 is basic training for future leaders who hear a call to service—a voice of conscience that springs from their vision, ideas, and values—and want to translate that call into positive change. Pelosi outlines the seven essential steps to winning: identify your call to service, define your message, know your community, build your leadership teams, raise the money, connect with people, and mobilize to win. Each chapter concludes with a “Get Real” exercise so readers can personalize and integrate these ideas into individual efforts. In this edition, Pelosi updates the book’s “Call to Service” profiles of political leaders and their calls to service; details the expanding role of social media, the Internet, and technology as message multipliers; explores challenges unique to women candidates; and expands on the power of volunteers.
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Affiche du document Regime Change Begins at Home

Regime Change Begins at Home

Charles Derber

1h52min30

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150 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 1h52min.
Since 1980, America has been run by a corporate regime that has co-opted both political parties and shifted sovereignty from "we the people" to trans-national corporations. The result has been job insecurity for millions of workers, debts as far as the eye can see, and a dangerous quest for global domination. Democracy itself has been undermined and the Constitution weakened. This regime must be overturned! And, as Charles Derber demonstrates in his provocative new book, it can be. After all, Derber points out, there have been other corporate regimes in American history, although this latest version is by far the most extreme. Still, the corporate regimes of the Gilded Age and Roaring Twenties were overturned. To create regime change again, it will require bold, creative strategies, uniting progressives and conservatives in a new politics, which Derber outlines in detail. Regime Change Begins at Home exposes the many lies the corporate regime has used to maintain itself throughout its history, from the Cold War to the Iraq war, with a particular emphasis on how the Bush administration has cynically sought to, as Condelezza Rice once put it, "capitalize on the opportunities" presented by 9/11. Derber reveals how the Bush administration has used the so-called "war on terror" to frighten and distract the public. But regime change is possible. In Part III, Derber lays out the vision of a new regime, describing the social movements now fighting to achieve it, and the major new political realignment-one spanning the traditional conservative-liberal divide-that can make it happen. Derber does not minimize the difficulty of the task ahead, but he offers hope and specific, sophisticated, often surprising advice for defeating the regime and returning America to its citizens.
Accès libre
Affiche du document La statue de sel et le bonhomme de neige

La statue de sel et le bonhomme de neige

Marguerite Moréno

2h37min30

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210 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h37min.
Marguerite Moreno (1871-1948) "– Ne tourne pas la tête ! m’a crié la prudence. J’ai tout de même tourné la tête : je voulais voir le passé. Je croyais retrouver les bois de printemps que j’ai traversés, leur parfum vert et acide, leurs fleurs fragiles et leurs jeunes oiseaux ; je croyais entendre de nouveau les voix joyeuses qui ont rythmé mes premiers pas dans la vie ; je croyais revoir des visages aimés, des regards fidèles, des sourires tendres... Mauvaise curiosité ! tu ne m’as montré qu’un bois d’automne où j’ai respiré l’odeur des mousses moisies et des fougères mortes, tu ne m’as fait entendre qu’un écho triste, tu n’as rappelé des noms aimés que pour me les montrer gravés sur des tombes ! Mais je ne te maudis pas : tu m’as permis d’évoquer de chères ombres, et de revivre des heures abolies. À cause de toi, j’ai rassemblé des souvenirs et j’ai essayé de tracer de légères images qui portent la ressemblance des visages disparus. Je les ai esquissés tels que je les ai vus, ces visages, en oubliant la renommée, en ignorant l’opinion des autres, en toute humilité. Ils ne fussent d’ailleurs jamais sortis de ma mémoire, si un ami aimé et indulgent, Adolphe Brisson, ne m’avait presque obligée à les exposer ; il a calmé mes scrupules, encouragé mes essais. Adolphe Brisson a connu tous ceux dont je parle, il savait que j’ai dit sur eux la vérité, rien que la vérité... mais peut-être pas toute la vérité !... Elle est si difficile à dire, si difficile même à connaître ! Cette femme nue s’habille si bien !... Que de temps et d’efforts on doit dépenser pour soulever ses derniers voiles ! Il faut être bien sûr de soi pour le tenter. J’ai simplement raconté comment me sont apparus les hommes dont je fus l’interprète ou l’amie (parfois les deux), sans essayer de voir l’autre côté de leur vie, et si le hasard, l’affection ou les confidences m’ont appris ce que je ne savais pas... je l’ai oublié."
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Affiche du document Enlevé à Budapest, prisonnier à Moscou, jugé à Berne

Enlevé à Budapest, prisonnier à Moscou, jugé à Berne

François Wisard

2h42min00

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216 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h42min.
Budapest, 16 février 1945 : « Monsieur Feller, suivez-moi ! »Le jeune diplomate à la tête de l’ambassade de Suisse n’a d’autre choix que d’obéir à l’officier soviétique. Il a hébergé clandestinement des diplomates suédois et des Juifs. Il a rapatrié des persécutés, avant d’être séquestré et menacé de mort par des Hongrois pronazis.Pendant près d’une année, Berne ne sait rien de précis sur le sort de Harald Feller, ni sur celui d’une vingtaine d’autres Suisses enlevés ou retenus prisonniers sur ordre de Moscou. Ils sont rapatriés en 1946, à l’issue de longues négociations et d’un accord conclu par le Conseil fédéral, qui livre en contrepartie quelques réfugiés soviétiques.À son retour à Berne, immense surprise. Il fait l’objet d’une enquête, confronté à des accusations de collaboration avec l’ennemi portées par la presse et d’anciens collègues. Un juge l’auditionne longuement, puis le disculpe. Ceci dans l’indifférence générale. Quittant la diplomatie, il devient procureur dans le Mittelland et... met en scène des pièces de théâtre pour les détenus du pénitencier de Thorberg.Une vie, ou plutôt des vies, qui, pour la première fois, font l’objet d’une étude d’ensemble, basée sur des témoignages et des dizaines de dossiers d’archives publiques et privées, en partie inédits.Un livre qui nous emmène de Budapest assiégée aux méandres de la politique et de la justice bernoises en passant par les prisons de Staline.Un récit haletant qui, dans un va-et-vient entre la petite et la grande Histoire, va bien au-delà d’une simple biographie.
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Affiche du document Pour aujourd'hui et pour demain

Pour aujourd'hui et pour demain

Jacques Delors

2h12min45

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177 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h13min.
Marquant le centenaire de la naissance de Jacques Delors (1925-2023), ce livre réunit les interventions emblématiques de celui qui a façonné des pans entiers de l’Europe, et donc de la France, dans laquelle nous vivons au quotidien (l’euro, le marché unique, Erasmus…). Tirées des engagements de toute une vie, elles couvrent des sujets aussi clés pour l’avenir que l’éducation, l’agriculture, la puissance, l’environnement, l’ordre international et notre rapport au monde. Toutes expriment des convictions, façonnées par une longue expérience politique, une inlassable curiosité intellectuelle et une vie spirituelle nourrie, qui offrent des repères pour agir aujourd’hui et des intuitions qui nous aident à préparer demain. Écouter Jacques Delors à travers cette sélection, c’est le laisser poser des diagnostics réalistes et esquisser des idées qui résonnent avec les défis de notre temps. C’est aussi retrouver une voix sociale-démocrate respectée, celle d’« un contestataire qui veut construire », comme il se définissait. C’est enfin rejoindre une conscience exigeante pour affronter les tempêtes que doit affronter notre continent. Initiateur de la formation continue en France (loi Delors de 1971), député issu des premières élections européennes en 1979, ministre de l’Économie et des Finances (1981-1984), président de la Commission européenne (1985-1995), fondateur de Notre Europe en 1996, Jacques Delors continue d’inspirer les engagements publics politiques, économiques, syndicaux et associatifs qui l’ont mobilisé tout au long de sa vie. Préface de Pascal Lamy, coordinateur des Instituts Jacques-Delors, ancien directeur général de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce, ancien commissaire européen. Avant-propos de Sébastien Maillard, conseiller spécial de l’Institut Jacques-Delors, ancien journaliste. 
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Affiche du document From She-Wolf to Martyr

From She-Wolf to Martyr

Elizabeth Casteen

3h54min45

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313 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 3h55min.
In 1343 a seventeen-year-old girl named Johanna (1326–1382) ascended the Neapolitan throne, becoming the ruling monarch of one of medieval Europe''s most important polities. For nearly forty years, she held her throne and the avid attention of her contemporaries. Their varied responses to her reign created a reputation that made Johanna the most notorious woman in Europe during her lifetime. In From She-Wolf to Martyr, Elizabeth Casteen examines Johanna''s evolving, problematic reputation and uses it as a lens through which to analyze often-contradictory late-medieval conceptions of rulership, authority, and femininity. When Johanna inherited the Neapolitan throne from her grandfather, many questioned both her right to and her suitability for her throne. After the murder of her first husband, Johanna quickly became infamous as a she-wolf—a violent, predatory, sexually licentious woman. Yet, she also eventually gained fame as a wise, pious, and able queen. Contemporaries—including Francesco Petrarch, Giovanni Boccaccio, Birgitta of Sweden, and Catherine of Siena—were fascinated by Johanna. Drawing on a wide range of textual and visual sources, Casteen reconstructs the fourteenth-century conversation about Johanna and tracks the role she played in her time''s cultural imaginary. She argues that despite Johanna''s modern reputation for indolence and incompetence, she crafted a new model of female sovereignty that many of her contemporaries accepted and even lauded.
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Affiche du document From She-Wolf to Martyr

From She-Wolf to Martyr

Elizabeth Casteen

2h40min30

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214 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 2h40min.
In 1343 a seventeen-year-old girl named Johanna (1326–1382) ascended the Neapolitan throne, becoming the ruling monarch of one of medieval Europe''s most important polities. For nearly forty years, she held her throne and the avid attention of her contemporaries. Their varied responses to her reign created a reputation that made Johanna the most notorious woman in Europe during her lifetime. In From She-Wolf to Martyr, Elizabeth Casteen examines Johanna''s evolving, problematic reputation and uses it as a lens through which to analyze often-contradictory late-medieval conceptions of rulership, authority, and femininity. When Johanna inherited the Neapolitan throne from her grandfather, many questioned both her right to and her suitability for her throne. After the murder of her first husband, Johanna quickly became infamous as a she-wolf—a violent, predatory, sexually licentious woman. Yet, she also eventually gained fame as a wise, pious, and able queen. Contemporaries—including Francesco Petrarch, Giovanni Boccaccio, Birgitta of Sweden, and Catherine of Siena—were fascinated by Johanna. Drawing on a wide range of textual and visual sources, Casteen reconstructs the fourteenth-century conversation about Johanna and tracks the role she played in her time''s cultural imaginary. She argues that despite Johanna''s modern reputation for indolence and incompetence, she crafted a new model of female sovereignty that many of her contemporaries accepted and even lauded.
Accès libre
Affiche du document John Dewey and American Democracy

John Dewey and American Democracy

B. Westbrook Robert

7h24min45

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593 pages. Temps de lecture estimé 7h25min.
Over a career spanning American history from the 1880s to the 1950s, John Dewey sought not only to forge a persuasive argument for his conviction that "democracy is freedom" but also to realize his democratic ideals through political activism. Widely considered modern America''s most important philosopher, Dewey made his views known both through his writings and through such controversial episodes as his leadership of educational reform at the turn of the century; his support of American intervention in World War I and his leading role in the Outlawry of War movement after the war; and his participation in both radical and anti-communist politics in the 1930s and 40s. Robert B. Westbrook reconstructs the evolution of Dewey''s thought and practice in this masterful intellectual biography, combining readings of his major works with an engaging account of key chapters in his activism. Westbrook pays particular attention to the impact upon Dewey of conversations and debates with contemporaries from William James and Reinhold Niebuhr to Jane Addams and Leon Trotsky. Countering prevailing interpretations of Dewey''s contribution to the ideology of American liberalism, he discovers a more unorthodox Dewey—a deviant within the liberal community who was steadily radicalized by his profound faith in participatory democracy. Anyone concerned with the nature of democracy and the future of liberalism in America—including educators, moral and social philosophers, social scientists, political theorists, and intellectual and cultural historians—will find John Dewey and American Democracy indispensable reading.
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